
FOOD SHORTAGE FACTS
Another one of the tools the pro-abortion community uses to
further their agenda is the FOOD SHORTAGE MYTH. They say that even if there was enough
space for everyone, there would not be enough food to support them. They point to the
current starvation and hunger problems and say that it would only get worse if we were not
aborting our babies. They say there would be too many people for the worlds food
supply...Well I say this is not true. Read the articles below and see if you agree.
What about world food production?
Numerous times over the last 40 years so-called "experts" predicted global
famine because increases in food production couldnt possibly keep up with population
growth. Thankfully, they were wrong.
The best indications today are that food production will continue to outpace population
growth for the foreseeable future, though this doesnt preclude localized famines
since, as we shall see in a moment, famine in the 20th century is largely unrelated to the
ability to produce enough food to feed the world.
The accomplishment in food production over the last 40 years was a result of the Green
Revolution agricultural processes focusing on hybrid plants designed to maximize yield
while being resistant to pests, and intensive irrigation and fertilizing efforts. As Denis
Avery points out, in 1950 the worlds 611 million hectares of cropland produced 692
million tons of grain. By 1992, the world planted 700 million hectares of cropland which
produced 1,920 million tons of grain. In spite of skeptics in the late 1960s and 1970s who
predicted the effects of the Green Revolution would be minimal, agricultural output
increased from 1.13 tons/hectare to 2.74 tons/hectare in four decades.
The Green Revolution was so successful that the developed world now sees a glut of food.
Many governments in the developed world now pay farmers to limit food production in order
to increase prices. Even if population growth should increase along the lines of the worst
case scenario, this underproduction could be converted quickly to meet the worlds
food needs.
What makes the world increase in food production so much more amazing is that many parts
of the world have yet to experience its effects. Development of Green Revolution-style
techniques for Africa, for example, has lagged for a variety of reasons. The introduction
of hybrid crops designed for the relatively poor soil of central Africa combined with
farming techniques to maximize productivity of the land have yet to be extensively adopted
on that continent. Such techniques could increase food production in Africa by a factor of
7 and allow that continent to finally be self-sufficient in its food production.
Unfortunately there may not be a lot we can do about the primary cause of famine and
hunger in the 20th century -- government interference with food production.
All of the largest and most publicized famines of this century were the direct result not
of inherent problems with food production but of government policies which discouraged
proper production and distribution of food.
In the 1980s famine in Ethiopia resulted from the government preventing food aid from
reaching provinces rebelling against the government of Haile Mariam Mengitsue. Famine
which killed tens of millions in the Soviet Union in 1921-22 and 1932-3, China in 1958-61
and Bengal in 1943 were all the direct result of government policies which severely
distorted production and/or distribution of food. These large famines deserve a closer
look.
With the famines in the USSR, not only did Soviet policies provide a disincentive to
farmers to lower food output, but in both cases the USSR decided to export millions of
tons of grain during periods when its citizens starved in large numbers. Lenin finally
called in Western aid agencies (led by future U.S. president Herbert Hoover) to stop the
1921-22 famine, while Stalin explicitly rejected appealing to outside aid during the
1932-3 famine leading to the deaths of an estimated 7 million (another 7.5 million are
estimated to have died in the collectivization and dekulakization programs undertaken by
Stalin which directly caused the lowered grain output).
China experienced what is believed by many to be the worst case of famine in world history
-- a mind boggling 30 million people are believed to have perished. The cause was not
drought or pestilence or some other natural disaster, but Mao Tse-Tungs Great Leap
Forward which destroyed Chinese agriculture.
Deciding it wasnt going to let the Communists lead the world in causing famine,
Great Britain inflicted a terrible famine on Bengal in 1943. Fearing a Japanese invasion
of that colony, Great Britain systematically reduced all local grain supplies so the
Japanese wouldnt be able to seize it after the anticipated invasion.
Famine in the 20th century has been inflicted on tens of millions of people by the very
governments they looked to for help during agricultural crises. Unlike crop yields, this
problem does not have a simple solution.
How much food is available now?
The world currently produces more than enough food to provide every single man, woman
and child alive today with an adequate diet. As the table below, taken from William Bender
and Margaret Smith's Population, Food, and Nutrition makes clear, total per
capita calories produced annually far exceeds nutrition requirements:
Annual World Food
Production, 1991
(Bender and Smith 1997) |
| Total food calories produced/person |
7,460 |
| Per capita calories per day/person |
3,810 |
| Surplus food calories |
3,650 |
Basically what the table shows is that there is enough food produced
annually to provide 7,460 calories per day to every person on the planet. Since 3,810
calories per day is more than what even extraordinarily active people require, there is
more than enough food produced annually to feed the world's current population (almost
twice as much!). This does not mean, however, that people do not go hungry --
just that hunger does not occur because there is insufficient food produced globally.
Currently, enough food is supplied globally [to meet total demand for food], but yet it
is estimated that in 1990/92 some 839 million people in the so-called developing countries
had inadequate access to food...
Is the food supply improving?
Some doomsayers concede there's currently enough food produced to feed everyone alive,
but claim the amount of food available is beginning to decline. This does not appear to be
the case. Consider this analysis of Food and Agricultural Organization figures by Dennis
Avery:
World Calories Per
Capita Per Day (Bailey 1995) |
| |
1963 |
1992 |
Percentage
increase |
| World |
2,287 |
2,697 |
+18 |
| United States |
3,067 |
3,642 |
+19 |
| Third World |
1,940 |
2,473 |
+27 |
| Asia |
1,888 |
2,494 |
+32 |
| Latin America |
2,363 |
2,690 |
+13 |
| Africa |
2,155 |
2,348 |
+9 |
The amazing thing about this chart is the huge absolute gain in food
production this represents. Consider that in the 1960s some people predicted total crops
yields would begin to decline. Not only did yields increase, but they expanded so fast
that even though the world added many more millions of mouths to feed, each mouth had more
to eat at the beginning of the 1990s. As Donald O. Mitchell, Merlinda D. Ingco and Ronald
C. Duncan note in their book, The World Food Outlook, "yield increases
accounted for 90 percent of the growth of world cereals production from 1950 to 1990 when
the annual rate of growth was 2.24 per cent" (Mitchell, et al 1997, p.57). The
following table illustrates the long term trend of increasing yields,
World wheat,
rice and maize yield growth rates, 1951 to 1990 (per cent annum) (Mitchell, et al 1997,
p.58) |
| |
1951-60 |
1961-70 |
1970-80 |
1980-90 |
Wheat |
1.84 |
3.06 |
1.99 |
2.89 |
Rice |
1.27 |
2.40 |
1.63 |
2.34 |
Maize |
2.74 |
2.48 |
2.84 |
1.01 |
Note: the downturn in maize production 1980-90 was the result of
a severe 1988 drought in the United States.
The upshot of this, as Mitchell, et al document, is that over the long term world
cereals production has consistently grown faster than population. The following chart
illustrating the growth of world cereals production and population based on data from the
United Nations and the United States Department of Agriculture.
World cereals
consumption and population growth, 1960 to 1990 (per cent increases, Mitchell, et al 1997,
p.35) |
| |
1960-70 |
1970-80 |
1980-90 |
| Industrial economies |
|
|
|
| Total cereals consumption |
30.8 |
17.1 |
9.5 |
| Population |
11.0 |
8.4 |
6.1 |
| |
| Developing economies |
|
|
|
| Total cereals consumption |
42.9 |
46.6 |
26.8 |
| Population |
27.7 |
25.0 |
23.3 |
For the last three decades, growth in food production consistently
outpaced growth in population.
As the Food and Agricultural Organization put it in a recent report on world food
security, this increase in available food saved millions of lives and reduced the amount
of hunger in the world:
This
reflects a substantial degree of progress since the beginning of the 1970s:
the number [of people facing hunger] has declined absolutely from about 907 million and in
relative terms from 35% of the population of the developing countries to 21%, mainly as a
result of progress in east Asia (including China) and parts of South Asia, such as India
and Pakistan.
Or to put it other terms, in 1960 fifty-nine percent of the global population consumed
less than 200 kg of grain annually. In 1994, the percentage consuming less than 200 kg
annually fell to 38 percent, an amazing feat given the enormous increase in population in
the intervening years (Bender and Smith 1997, p.19).
How much food could potentially be
grown?
Are there upper limits to how many people can be adequately fed? Gerhard Heilig of the
International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis in Luxembourg, Austria, addressed
this question in his excellent survey of past predictions and current knowledge about food
production, "How Many People Can Be Fed on Earth" (Heilig 1995, pp.207-261).
Heilig concisely points out the various steps needed to arrive at a bottom line number. At
the outermost layer is an upper hypothetical limit called the net primary production
level. This is based solely on the maximum level of photosynthesis available from solar
radiation. Knowing how much sunlight strikes the Earths surface and how efficiently
plants convert this solar energy, hypothetical upper limits of food availability on Earth
can be calculated. Of course even here, estimates vary wildly from enough food to support
30 or 40 billion to claims that theoretically enough food could be provided to feed 1
trillion people.
But at any given period of time, it is technically feasible to extract only a portion of
that hypothetical production into actual production. Assuming the universal use of the
highest technical methods, enough food could be grown at current technological levels to
feed perhaps 20 to 35 billion people.
But just as not all incoming solar energy can be converted to food, so neither is all
technologically feasible food actually grown. Only economically feasible food production
is generally engaged in. The costs of capital investments and opportunity costs limit
farmers. In some areas, for example, soil is so poor that it would be better to devote
land to some other use, perhaps for office buildings or untouched green space, than to try
to cultivate it. Alternatively, capital investment might make no sense until local
infrastructures to make use of it are built. It makes little sense to increase grain
production, for example, if roads are so poor the grain cannot be cheaply transported.
Finally, not all economically feasible food production is ecologically feasible. It is
certainly technically and perhaps economically feasible, for example, to clear the
worlds tropical rain forests and plant agricultural crops there. On balance,
however, the potential value of maintaining the tropical rain forests is probably higher
than the same area would be for crop planting. In addition, high yield farming creates
problems such as nitrogen-heavy runoffs, which are not necessarily suited for every area.
Taking all of these factors into account, Heilig concludes that at current technological
levels the Earth could sustainably support 10 to 15 billion people -- a little more than
what the United Nations projects world population will likely stabilize at sometime during
the next century.
But Heilig notes there is one more limit to food production -- political and social
factors. Much of Africa, for example, could be producing enough food right now with low
agricultural inputs to feed itself if the political will were there. Instead many
African governments have engaged in policies which actually discourage farmers from
producing food. Heilig writes that feeding 10-15 billion people is possible only,
... If we can prevent (civil) wars with soldiers plundering harvests or devastating
crop fields with land mines; if we can stop the stupidity of collectivization and central
planning in agriculture; if we can agree on free (international) trade for agricultural
products; if we redistribute agricultural land to those that actually use it for
production; if we provide credits, training and high-yield agriculture to the
agro-climactic and sociocultural conditions of arid regions and use it carefully to avoid
environmental destruction; if we implement optimal water management and conservation
practices. If we do all this during the next few decades, we could certainly be able to
feed a doubled or tripled world population (Heilig 1994, pp.253-4).
Other experts in food production have reached similar conclusions. William Bender and
Margaret Smith note that by merely shifting to an all vegetarian diet, over 10 billion
people could be fed without any increase in farm land or technology (Bender and Smith
1997, p.5)
The Food and Agricultural Organization published a survey of food production capacities in
developing regions whose results are shown on the table below.
Present and
projected populations and ratios to present and projected population supporting capacities
by location (Food and Agricultural Organization 1984, p. 82-7). |
| Location |
Land area (million ha) |
Year 2000 population (mill.) |
Low inputs ratio |
Intermediate inputs ratio |
High inputs ratio |
| Africa |
2,878.10 |
780.10 |
1.610 |
5.75 |
16.5 |
| Central America |
271.60 |
215.20 |
1.35 |
2.57 |
6.01 |
| South America |
1,770.20 |
392.6 |
3.151 |
13.34 |
31.51 |
| Southeast Asia |
897.60 |
1,937.10 |
1.14 |
2.25 |
3.27 |
| Southwest Asia |
677.40 |
264.70 |
0.68 |
0.90 |
1.23 |
| Five-region totals |
6,494.90 |
3,589.70 |
1.56 |
4.16 |
9.25 |
Low inputs was defined as "using no fertilizers, pesticides or
improved seeds and no long-term conservation measures"; intermediate inputs as
"some fertilizers, pesticides and improved seeds, conservation measures and improved
cropping patterns on half the land"; and high inputs as "full use of all inputs,
full conservation measures and the most productive mix of crops on all land" (FAO
1984, p.x) The ratios are to the projected 2000 population, so Africa's projected 2000
population is 780 million and with intermediate inputs it could produce enough food to
feed 4.5 billion people.
How much food is likely to be available
in the future?
Although there is plenty of food grown today and the food situation has been improving
for the last 40 years, will it continue to improve in the future?
In their book The World Food Outlook, Donald Mitchell, Merlinda Ingco and Ronald
Duncan summarize their survey of existing studies of future agricultural production by
asserting,
Overall, these studies of the world food outlook are in broad agreement. They conclude
that global food production will continue to increase faster than consumption, that
developing economies will significantly increase imports and that consumption levels in
developing economies will continue to increase (Mitchell, et al 1997, p.144).
The two exceptions to this otherwise rosy evaluation are sub-Saharan Africa and the
former Soviet Union which are weighed down by massive economic and political problems that
led to lowered both domestic production and consumption of food (Mitchell, et al 1997,
p.146-7).
By comparing potential agricultural production with actual agricultural production, the
reader can see that agricultural production should have no problem meeting the growing
population. Consider this table comparing the two by region,
Estimated maximum
grain production by region (Bender and Smith, 1997, p. 26) |
| Region |
Estimated maximum production
(million metric tons) |
Actual production (million metric
tons) |
Actual as percent of estimated
maximum |
| South America |
11,106 |
69 |
0.6 |
| Australia |
2,358 |
24 |
1.0 |
| Africa |
10,845 |
88 |
0.8 |
| Asia |
14,281 |
860 |
6.0 |
| North & Central America |
7,072 |
402 |
5.7 |
| Europe |
4,168 |
283 |
6.8 |
| Total |
49,830 |
1,955 |
3.9 |
Increasing available grain to meet demand can be accomplished by putting
into production relatively small amounts of the potential grain production of the world.
Utilizing some of the more fertile land in Africa, such as in Sudan for example, would
likely be sufficient in itself to meet the food needs of that continent.
As an FAO report summarized the likely future trend,
Projections by FAO for food supplies by region suggest that future food problems will
be concentrated in sub-Saharan Africa and south Asia. Availabilities in all other regions
are expected to keep pace with growing food requirements (FAO 1996).
If Africans and others in the developing world continue to suffer from hunger through
the middle of the 21st century, it will not be due to a dearth of grain but due to the
political and economic factors that plagued the developing world in the 20th century.
What about fisheries and aquaculture?
A common claim made by those convinced the world is overpopulated is that the current
world population is taxing available fisheries to the limit. Some groups such as
Population Action even make the claim that total world fish catches have begun a downward
spiral as the system begins to crash. A close look at what is really happening with the
worlds fish, however, warrants optimism.
As the Food and Agricultural Organization put it in The State of World Fisheries and
Aquaculture 1996,
In recent years fish supplies have expanded rapidly ... in 1994 they reached 109.6
million tons ... and preliminary figures for 1995 indicate a new peak of total production
at 112.3 million tons ... average annual per capita availability of food fish increased to
14 kg" (Food and Agricultural Organization 1996).
So why do some groups claim that world fish catches are declining? And even if they
arent declining can the fish catch keep growing faster than population?
Groups like Population Action claim that fish catches are declining because they only look
at one type of fish catch -- those from traditional fisheries such as ocean fishing. From
1994 fish caught in this way varied between 80 and 85 million and from 1994 to 1995
declined by 0.02 million tons (Food and Agricultural Organization 1996).
What environmentalists groups leave out is the huge rise in aquaculture, which are
essentially fish farms. Fish procured from aquaculture grew from 18.6 million tons in 1994
to 21.3 million tons in 1995, and could grow to as much as 39 million tons by 2010 (Food
and Agriculture Organization 1996).
Will this be enough to meet demand for fish? Currently it is estimated that demand for
fish in 2010 will be from 140 to 150 million tons. It is possible to meet that level, but
only if governments stop squandering the natural fisheries which they control (Food and
Agricultural Organization 1996). The mismanagement of the worlds oceans is a classic
example of the problem of failing to create property rights in natural resources -- no one
has an incentive to preserve and expand the resource over time.
The worlds fisheries, then, are in largely the same position that traditional
agriculture is in. Where governments have allowed markets backed with strong property
rights prevail, food and fish are abundant. Where instead political solutions determine
everything, food and fish are scarce.
Why then are people still starving and
going hungry?
The answer to this is as varied as the number of developing countries, of which
detailed analysis is being added regularly. There are some general patterns that emerge,
however.
Hunger is often the result of direct political decisions.
Famine in Ethiopia in the 1980s, for example, was not a natural disaster, but in fact
was the direct result of decisions made by the government to starve out areas controlled
by rebels. More recently the government of Sudan briefly ordered United Nations relief
flights to stop airlifting food supplies to famine-prone southern Sudan controlled by
rebels trying to overthrow the government. Famine in our century has become almost
exclusively a political rather than an agricultural phenomenon.
Government policies often artificially reduce the amount of available food.
Upon independence, many of the former colonial nations decided they would do something the
colonial powers never did -- grant their people access to cheap food. To achieve that,
many nations placed price ceilings above which farmers could not sell their grain. The
results were predicable; farmers decreased the amount of crops sown. In some areas the
amount of cropland in use actually fell. Developing world governments also made it
difficult for their farmers to compete through prohibitive tariffs designed to protect
local industry. While placing steep taxes on fertilizer imports to protect domestic
fertilizer producers sounds like a grand idea, it hampers local farmers from providing
food as cheaply and abundantly as possible.
Wars, government corruption and political instability hurt food production in the
developing world.
Finally, good agricultural production requires political stability. If a civil war had
been raging across the United States over the last 40 years you can almost guarantee it
would have trouble feeding its people; it is thus unsurprising that a nation such as Sudan
has trouble producing enough food. Similarly governments where official corruption is
tolerated or even encouraged often results in distorted markets and infrastructure. Roads
get built to the wrong places or not at all based on cronyism. Land gets seized from poor
farmers and is given to rich landowners with little interest in farming the land. The poor
get taxed but the government doesn't even pretend to offer services or even adequate
police protection in return. If the reader sits down and closely examines the history and
situation of any country facing severe food insecurity, he or she will find that is the
result of internal political disorder unrelated to potential agricultural production.
Additionally hunger has consistently declined in the 20th century. According to the
United Nations, the number of malnourished people increased from 540 million in 1979/81 to
580 million in 1989/1990. Since world population grew by 23 percent during the same
period, the percentage of people hungry actually declined during this period.
What this means is more than 90 percent of all people alive today receive enough food. Of
those who dont, according to the UN and World Bank, 90 percent of them are within 10
percent of their needed calorie total.
The problem of hunger today is not lack of food, but interference with distribution of
food. In Africa, for example, which has experienced the worst famines in the last quarter
of the 20th century, people starved not because there wasnt enough food, but because
of the actions taken by governments there to keep food out of the hands of people.
One of the best accomplishments of the 20th century is the near-eradication of famine.
Famine caused 20 to 25 million deaths in the last quarter of the nineteenth century.
For todays larger population, a comparable number of famine deaths for the current
1975-2000 quarter of the century would be about 50 million people, yet the famine death
toll for 1975-2000 is likely to be 2 million or fewer (Bailey 1995, p. 55).
Ok, now your convinced that there is not a food
shortage problem but you still believe there would be an "Over-Population"
problem. Right? Well I thought of that...just click below and you will learn all about the
Over-Population Myths. |